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Access to tobacco products by New Zealand youth
Helen Darling, Anthony Reeder, Rob McGee, Sheila
Williams
In recent months, the World Health Organization has
confirmed that the health burden attributable to addictive substances is
greatest for tobacco.1 Dependence most often
begins during adolescence,2 but the most
serious consequences usually occur in later life. It is, therefore, logical to
prevent dependence in the first place. Direct prevention programmes for youth
have traditionally taken place in school settings, through mass media
interventions, and through restricted access to tobacco products. Encouraging
parents to stop smoking may (indirectly) reduce youth smoking through decreasing
exposure to secondhand smoke and access to tobacco
products.3
A study, based on data from the US national Youth Risk
Behaviour Survey, reported that nearly one-quarter of smokers purchased tobacco
products from a store, despite legislation to prevent
this.4 Difficulties in achieving high levels of
compliance appear common,5 and this may be due,
in part, to obstacles to enforcement, such as retailer opposition, and the cost
of compliance monitoring.6
In 1996, New Zealand (NZ)
legislation was amended to make it illegal for persons under the age of 18 years
to purchase tobacco products after July 1997 (previously the lower age limit was
16 years).7 Restricting access to tobacco
products is a relatively controversial preventive
measure.8,9 It has been argued that restricting
the sale of tobacco to those under 18 years of age reinforces the perception of
smoking as an ‘adult’ behaviour, thereby making it more desirable
among youth who aspire to adult status.10
Similarly, in the absence of commercial sources of tobacco, young people may
seek and develop other sources, thereby negating access restrictions as an
intervention.11,12
In NZ, Laugesen and Scragg (1999) reported changes in youth
purchasing behaviour between 1992 and 1997.13
There was a substantial decrease in the proportion of under-age youth
purchasing cigarettes from commercial outlets. In spite of the decrease, it was
estimated that the retail value for these cigarette purchases was $8.7 million
per year, and the risk of retailer prosecution was considered minimal at that
time. Purchasing from retail outlets continued to be the main source of
cigarettes for NZ youth. A recent study of purchasing behaviour found that
commercial outlets were the usual source of cigarettes for 61.8% of those
reporting recent smoking.14 The estimated
retail value, including taxes, of cigarette purchases by underage youth in 2000
was in excess of $25.8 million.15
The aims of this present study are to address the following
questions:
MethodsSample—Data
for this study came from the Health Sponsorship Council’s 2002 Youth
Lifestyle Study (YLS), a biennial survey of tobacco-related attitudes and
behaviours. The procedures for this study have been described in detail
elsewhere.16
In summary, using a multi-stage cluster sampling approach, secondary schools and
school classes were randomly selected from within six geographical regions.
Probability weights were assigned at the individual student level.
Procedures—The
YLS was piloted by HD and the study proper conducted in two waves during May and
November 2002. As a consequence of high student absence rates in some schools in
May (due, in part, to industrial action by students and teachers, snow, and
flooding), the survey was completed in November using the same sampling method.
The survey was administered by trained interviewers.
Participants were advised that their answers were confidential and anonymous,
but that their survey form would be checked for completeness by the interviewer.
On average, the questionnaire took 40 minutes to complete.
Measures—The
YLS questionnaire contained six sections: demographic data; interests; use of
the media; tobacco smoking beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours; exposure to
health promotion messages; and, a measure of self-concept.
Smoking status was determined by response to the
question—How often do you smoke
now? Participants who reported smoking
at least once a day...
week...or month were categorised
as current smokers for the purpose of these analyses. Data were collected on
purchasing tobacco products. Participants were
asked—In the last 30 days (1 month) how
did you usually get your own cigarettes?
The response categories provided are presented in Table
1. To identify specific commercial sources of cigarettes, participants were
asked—which places did you buy
cigarettes from in the last 30 days (one month)? The response categories
(never, once, 2-3 times, 4 times or
more) were provided for each of the places listed in Table 2.
Participants were also asked—When you
bought, or tried to buy cigarettes, in a store during the last 30 days (one
month), were you ever asked to show proof of age? Response categories
provided were: I did not try to buy cigarettes
in a store during the last 30 day; Yes, I was asked to show proof of age (ID);
No, I was not asked to show proof of age (ID).
Responses to the question -
During the past 30 days (1 month) what brand
of cigarettes did you usually smoke? -
were used to identify the most popular brand of cigarette. Prices for all
brands included in the responses to this question were obtained from a selection
of Dunedin retail outlets during May 2002.
Table 1. Usual sources of cigarettes for all smokers
and daily smokers
YLS=
Youth Lifestyle Study; CI=confidence interval.
Table 2. YLS 2002 proportions (95% CI) purchasing from
selected outlets, all smokers, 14–16 years
ResultsEligible schools (n=141) were
invited to participate in the 2002 YLS; 82 schools agreed to participate
(response rate 58.2%). Higher socioeconomic decile schools were slightly
over-represented: 43.1% of participants attended schools of decile 7 or higher.
The remainder of participants attended decile 1–3 (24.3%) or decile
4–6 (32.5%) schools. The absentee rate in participating school classes was
relatively low (median 13.3% absent). Overall, 3434 young people completed the
YLS; 51.7% were boys, 59.6% were from Year 10, and the mean age was 15.0 years.
Maori students were under-represented in the sample: 15.4% self-identified as NZ
Maori compared with 20% in the general population of equivalent
age.17
Nearly one-quarter of participants smoked at least monthly
(22.7%). Smoking increased incrementally with increasing age from 21.1% that
smoked at least monthly at 14 years to 22.4% (15 year olds); and, 24.9% (16
years). Commercial outlets were the most common sources of cigarettes for all
smokers (35.3%), and more so for daily smokers (47.5%). Sources of cigarettes
for all smokers and daily smokers are presented in Table 1 along with the
sources of cigarettes reported for all smokers in the 2000 YLS. The 2000 YLS
used comparable measures to the 2002 YLS and was administered in 53 NZ secondary
schools.14
More than one-third of the smokers (38.0%) had not been
asked to show proof of age when purchasing cigarettes in the month preceding the
survey. Similarly, more than one-third of participants had not been refused
cigarette purchases on the basis of their age (35.7%). Logistic regression was
used to investigate the association between smokers who were refused cigarettes
(binary variable) and age. There was a significant positive association between
increasing age and not being refused sales of tobacco products (OR 1.33; 95% CI
1.17–1.52); that is, older students were more likely to be able to buy
cigarettes.
The total number of packs of cigarettes purchased by NZ
youth in a 12-month period was estimated using data about purchasing from
selected outlets (see Table 2). Participants’ responses were totalled
conservatively, so that for the response category
2-3 times the mid-point was used; and
for 4 times or more, 4 times was
assumed. It was assumed that a single pack was purchased on each occasion: the
total number of occasions was divided by 751 (the number of students 14–16
years who had smoked in the previous month), and then multiplied by 12 (months).
Based on this calculation, student smokers smoked
approximately 54.7 packets per year, or 1.05 packets per week. Data were
obtained from Statistics New Zealand for the 2001 Census usual resident
population, 14–16 years.18 Extrapolating
from the YLS monthly smoking prevalence rates for 14, 15, and 16-year-olds to
the usual resident population of the same age, 37,067 young people 14–16
years were likely to be monthly smokers, at least.
Based upon this calculation, it was estimated that
approximately 2,029,048 packets of cigarettes were consumed by those less than
18 years of age.
This estimate is based on three assumptions:
The average cost per pack of the brand most
commonly used by youth in 2002, was $8.95. The total estimated value of
purchases by youth 14–16 years, therefore, amounted to $18,159,976 of
which approximately $2,272,533 was GST; $10,449,595 tobacco tax; and $5,437,848
was retained by retailers, but from which wholesale costs were
deducted.19
DiscussionData were obtained from a
school-based cross-sectional survey; lower-decile schools and young people who
self-identified as NZ Maori were under-represented in the sample.
Low socioeconomic status has been widely identified as a
risk factor for cigarette smoking;20 for this
reason, it is likely that this study presents a conservative estimate of the
purchasing of tobacco products by under-age youth (14–16 years) in NZ.
Furthermore, the assumption (that underpinned the estimation of cigarette
packages purchased) errs on the side of caution, as it is possible that more
than one pack of cigarettes was purchased on each occasion.
Among the students surveyed, more than two-thirds of all
smokers and nearly one-half of the daily smokers usually purchased their
cigarettes from commercial sources. This finding is consistent with the model
proposed by DiFranza (2001)21 that daily
smokers require regular, reliable sources of cigarettes. Further investigation,
using longitudinal data, might usefully examine the relations between smoking
stages and sources of cigarettes.
When compared to the results of the 2000
YLS,14 greater proportions of young people
reported getting cigarettes from parents, getting someone else to purchase
cigarettes for them, and stealing cigarettes. A smaller proportion of students
purchased cigarettes from commercial sources in 2002 (35.3%) compared with
students purchasing in 2000 (44.3%). Although the difference between the surveys
was statistically significant, this should be interpreted cautiously because the
survey procedures were not identical.
Compliance with youth access laws is measured in NZ using
controlled purchasing operations; however collated national information is not
available to allow comparison between levels of compliance and the proportions
of under-age youth purchasing cigarettes. Nevertheless, over one-third of youth
who purchased cigarettes in the month prior to the study did so on at least one
occasion without being asked for proof of age.
The apparent ease with which under-age youth are able to
purchase tobacco products would suggest a need for a review of compliance
enforcement. The review by DiFranza (2001)21
clearly identified a high level of compliance was required before youth access
laws would decrease youth prevalence. It is clear that to achieve the intention
of NZ legislation, greater resources are required to ensure its successful
implementation. Youth access programmes, alone, are unlikely to achieve a
decrease in youth smoking prevalence; however, they are critical in maintaining
the consistent message that tobacco smoking is a serious health issue.
The apparent lack of consensus among tobacco control
researchers on the effects of youth access restrictions should be interpreted
cautiously. It is possible that poorly enforced legislation may be at least as
harmful as having no legislation. Indeed, youth tobacco use is a complex problem
that requires many levels of intervention, including youth access restrictions,
with adequate enforcement, as part of a comprehensive prevention programme to
further denormalise tobacco use.
The value of revenue generated from under-age tobacco sales
was estimated by extrapolating from the smoking prevalence of students
14–16 years among a nationally representative sample of NZ adolescents,
and from Census 2001 data. In the absence of data on actual retailer revenue
obtained from youth, this is considered a valid measure of revenue. It is
similar to the method of revenue calculation used by Laugesen and Scragg
(1999),13 but differs in that we were able to
estimate the number of packs of cigarettes bought per week from responses to the
question—which places did you buy
cigarettes from in the last 30 days?, which elicited the frequency of
purchases from each category of commercial
outlet.
We found that tobacco products were most often obtained from
commercial sources. Extrapolation from the estimated revenue generated from
under-age sales of tobacco suggests that considerable retailer and government
revenue is obtained from illegal sales to youth. Furthermore, the estimate of
revenue is conservative as it is based on under-age purchases by youth 14 -16
years, alone, assumes purchase of a single pack per occasion and excludes
purchases made on their behalf.
The amended Smoke-free
Environments Act 19907 prohibits the
sale or supply of tobacco products to youth less than 18 years. It is likely
that the revenue generated from under-age sales to aged 17 years and less than
14 years is also considerable. Crude extrapolation from the survey data (to
obtain estimates of total sales to all those under 18 years) suggests that total
sales greatly exceed the conservative level reported and would probably exceed
$35 million per year, of which $24 million would be in taxes.
This raises several issues, perhaps the most serious of
which concerns the ethical implications of Government and retailer revenue
generated from the development of addiction during adolescence. We have
estimated that the NZ Government receives over $12.5 million in taxes from youth
14–16 years and considerably more that this for all under-age smokers.
Therefore, it would be appropriate for at least some of this
money to be used to support a comprehensive youth tobacco control programme that
included (but was not limited to) increased resources to ensure improved
retailer compliance. In addition, there is a need for regular, timely, collated
national data on visits, prosecutions, and fines so that the access programme
can be properly evaluated.
Author information:
Helen Darling, PhD Candidate; Anthony I Reeder, Senior Research
Fellow; Rob McGee, Associate Professor; Social and Behavioural Research in
Cancer Group; Sheila Williams, Senior Research Fellow (Biostatistician),
Department of Preventive and Social Medicine, University of Otago,
Dunedin.
Acknowledgements:
The Health Sponsorship Council was the primary contributor to the 2002
YLS, with additional support from the Ministry of Health, Cancer Society of New
Zealand, The Quit Group, and the Social and Behavioural Research in Cancer Group
at the University of Otago. Dr Reeder and the Social and Behavioural Research in
Cancer Group receive support from the Cancer Society of New Zealand and the
University of Otago. The research was completed while Helen Darling was the
recipient of post-graduate scholarships from the Health Sponsorship Council and
the University of Otago.
Correspondence: Ms
Helen Darling, Social and Behavioural Research in Cancer Group, Department of
Preventive and Social Medicine, University of Otago, PO Box 913, Dunedin. Fax:
(03) 479 7298; helen.darling@stonebow.otago.ac.nz
References:
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